Emergency and Aftermath: Why June 25 Must Be Remembered With Historical Balance, Not Political Weaponisation

There is no doubt that the internal Emergency imposed on the country on June 25, 1975, remains a dark chapter in its post-Independence history. For 21 long months, democratic rights were curtailed, press freedom was muzzled, and fundamental rights were virtually suspended.

The move by prime minister Indira Gandhi, triggered by the threat of losing office after the Allahabad High Court found her guilty of electoral malpractice, was widely condemned both in India and abroad.

However, the protests against the Emergency were limited, even symbolic. There was no mass uprising anywhere in India. In fact, a significant section of the population welcomed the Emergency, citing improved discipline and the timely running of trains and buses as symbols of order.

Offices opened on time, strikes ceased, and a false sense of efficiency prevailed across government departments. Yet, this does not justify the authoritarian nature of that period, nor can it erase the fear and helplessness many citizens felt.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi has now declared June 25 as Samvidhan Hatya Diwas, the Day the Constitution Was Murdered, and has announced a year-long commemoration to mark its 50th anniversary. While it is important to remember the Emergency, the intention behind this observance seems more political than reflective.

The goal appears to be to discredit the Congress party and reap electoral dividends. What also needs to be acknowledged is that the provision for Emergency was part of the Constitution itself.

Moreover, the political unrest preceding it, such as the Navnirman Andolan in Gujarat and Jayaprakash Narayan’s call for a Total Revolution, was not entirely democratic either. His appeal to the armed forces and police not to obey government orders crossed constitutional boundaries.

The Emergency was not without contradictions. Though Indira Gandhi imposed it, she sought legitimacy for her regime and, consequently, called for elections in 1977, assuming that her popularity remained intact. The forced sterilisation campaign and slum demolitions carried out during the Emergency, especially in North India, proved costly.

She suffered a massive electoral defeat but accepted the verdict with grace, lifted the Emergency, and stepped aside. Importantly, her party later returned to power through democratic means. The Congress did not attempt to rewrite the Constitution or justify the Emergency in subsequent years. In fact, it distanced itself from that era and made efforts to correct its mistakes.

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The Emergency deserves to be remembered, not selectively, but with historical balance. It should not be used as a political tool while ignoring other shameful episodes like communal riots or the demolition of historic religious structures. India must also recognise that constitutional breakdowns can occur even without a formal Emergency in place. History must be a mirror, not a weapon.